Dan Feidt's log on Minnesota, Information Operations, spinstorms and latent contradictions.
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I went to a huge Democratic event in Iowa and witnessed the Democratic race up close, and the Dean phenomenon from the inside. There's a lot more I could add about this experience, but it was amazing. This was a contributed feature for the Mac Weekly.
Last weekend, Iowa Democrats hosted the kickoff of their 2004 presidential campaign, the Jefferson Jackson Dinner at Vets’ Auditorium in Des Moines. Six candidates, a collection of Iowa pols and Hillary Clinton took the stage at an event which raised money for the Iowa party while energizing Democrats to unseat George Bush and fight for Congress.
I attended this event as a wavering Dean supporter. Here, a few shades from Minnesota, I wanted to explore how Iowa Dems felt about the candidates and whether or not the other candidates were, as Kerry claimed he was, the “Real Deal.” Was Dean “unelectable?” Was his campaign composed of “West Wing” liberals and ignorant Internet kids? Or was it a collection of typical liberal causes uniting around someone more forthright than the Washington “centrists?” Did anyone’s partisan enthusiasm translate to support of the whole party?
What I found in Iowa supported few caricatures. Instead, I discovered that Dean is hardly the messianic anger case seen on CNN, and at least here his supporters don’t come from insulated, surreal clusters like the Nader or Perot people, nor the city liberals held in such low regard these days.
He’s attracted throngs of fiercely committed people, but their values weren’t exclusive to him. Out here, groups of people are always looking for someone who seems likely to give them a seat at the table and won’t play games. That sentiment has always existed in this continental nation of 260 million individuals, most of whom choose not to vote and support no party. Dean’s support reflects this, but hardly swallows it up. Democrats participate in Iowa’s process not with zealous faith in an individual, but after pondering things in the dark winter, always keeping in mind the ultimate goal: ousting Bush.
There are about 60 days left until the Iowa caucus. Iowa supposedly measures the 94 percent white “nice folks” vote and the farm vote via the community caucus process in January 19. Dean, ostensibly the front-runner, has seized political attention, unpredictably blurting awkward statements and entrancing a weird array of groups. Dick Gephardt polls a point ahead of Dean here. His steadfast support for labor and farms from Missouri makes him a friendly, trusted leader. Kerry’s support, including that of many many Mac Dems, is well-earned from years of excellent legislation and shining light on Iran-Contra. Edwards—always the mill worker’s son—honestly represents the liberal south. His strong support here surprised me. Even the maligned “bottom-feeders” provide an enlivening texture to the field. The wildly idealistic, butterfly-like speeches from the small, kinetic man, Dennis Kucinich, gesticulating and asking us to believe in the creation of a Department of Peace, reminded Dems of our own best people. For that fleeting moment, two percent support didn’t matter because he sincerely believed in bringing us something about our dreams. Carol Moseley Braun breaks barriers and it’s clear that she won’t stop when the campaign ends.
At Vets’ Auditorium, the ground throbbed with thousands of Democrats, chanting and waving signs, as entrepreneurs hawked pins and bumper stickers. Dean, pol in action, came through a column of supporters. I leaned over and he grabbed my hand. Mobs of partisans hollered in the lobby. Gep’s people collided with Dean’s at the door. Steelworkers for Gephardt and Cyclones for Dean screamed “Go Dick go! We want Dean! Gep! Dean! Win! Win!” The raucous, inscrutable essence of democracy could almost be glimpsed in this maelstrom. Moseley Braun walked by.
The dark auditorium covered with posters filled in with supporters, bringing signs, shirts, chants and noisemakers. For 40 minutes, spotlights punched through the darkness, prompting the crowd to make a ruckus. The lights switched between groups, prompting each one to outdo the other. “Real Deal” Kerry’s and Dean’s people each made an impressive, well-organized showing, as did the smaller Gep and Edwards contingents.
The evening’s speakers, including Iowa governor Tom Vilsack and Senator Harkin, were well-received, but the audience electrified when Hillary Clinton started running the show. After addressing the situation of America’s soldiers, she passionately called out for unity among Democrats. The candidates mainly delivered from their stump speeches, while adding concerns relevant to Iowans. Gephardt suggested an international minimum wage and Edwards talked of getting rid of mass feedlots. Kerry along with his people, said everyone knew Bush was giving us a “RAW DEAL!” The candidates avoided negativity and alienated few. For his passionate and idealistic speech, Kucinich received a standing ovation.
Peter Gartrell ’05 and Andrew Riely ’05 volunteered to usher on the floor, and they enjoyed the up-close experience. Riely said that he “dated Dean and married Kerry,” while Peter likes his home senator, Edwards, with whom he got to talk for a minute on an escalator.
Before the big event, our small group of Dean supporters arrived at a downtown high school, whose gymnasium was filled with 2,000 Dean boosters waving signs and sporting pins. The crowd was older than I expected: many seniors, gays and lesbians with rainbow pins, burly union dudes, red-shirted Grinnell students, middle-aged moms and the young Alex Doonesbury segment. Dean’s state campaign coordinators proclaimed they’d never seen anything like “the organization and commitment to a movement growing across this state and the country.” They reiterated one of Dean’s key talking points, that this was “making history,” a truism attractive to any political group.
Dean’s campaign plays off sentiments that exist as so many loose ends out here: taking care of the elderly, Wellstone-Harkin style grassroots support, unions scared as hell of Bush, family farmers. I found Democratic veterans outraged with Bush’s vet policies, gays and lesbians who point to serious progress, law enforcement types waiting for a Democrat who wasn’t ensconced with anti-gun organizations and those excited by online meet-ups. Among this whole set might be those who believe the DLC-type groups have gone too far right, but they still fervently love Bill and Hillary. Dean’s wallet issue, health care, attracts medical professionals and seniors alike.
Recently, Dean has received endorsements from key unions, though Gephardt draws much on labor as well. The Association of Federal, State, County and Municipal Employees, the International Union of Painters and Allied Trades and the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) all endorsed Dean, and other unions will be influenced by this. SEIU, mostly made of healthcare workers, is The United States’ fastest-growing union and one of the most democratically run. The grassroots structure of these unions might threaten Washington-dominated organizations which make up the AFL-CIO.
Was Dean a demagogue, as my conservative friends complain, when he opened his speech talking about his own Internet fundraising and closed by pointing at the crowd and shouting over and over, “You have the power”? Yes, and it seemed arrogant to lord fundraising over the others when so much more important issues needed to be addressed. Yet we live in this time of unparalleled theatrics, aircraft carriers and awes and shocks. It always was part circus.
The dinner brought a sense that there might be differences, but Dems don’t give a damn, because at this point the prize—the White House and Congress—have to be roundly sought like no time in the party’s history. Iowans are too nice to support an “angry Dean” and too smart to give up on the Democrats, no matter who gets the nomination.
In Iowa, all the candidates met a friendly audience, because they all spoke to the better side of America, and they each went for one of Bush’s exposed quarters. Such a spectacle as this veered into heights of drama so that for those moments, these folks under hardship and war could let each other know they still had friends in Washington, and they were part of a project bigger than themselves.
My admiration for the Dean campaign became a confidence in a stable new coalition, but Dean’s theatrics fit poorly at key moments. My perceptions of Edwards and Kerry as trustworthy and experienced leaders was boosted by Peter’s and Andrew’s thoughtful support. The basic trust of our southern neighbors gave me hope in these bleak days that America isn’t totally in disarray. Their support of each other led me to believe that the majority of the country—which never voted for Bush, or anyone—might still be reached in the wilderness.